When new employees come to work at the Boeing production facility in Everett, Washington, one of their first stops is often an exhibition at the company’s Safety Experience Center. It opens on a sombre note: a memorial for famous air disasters, including the successive crashes of two 737 MAXs, in 2018 and 2019, in the Java Sea and Ethiopia. Then, gradually, the tone grows more hopeful. At Boeing, as throughout the aviation industry, disasters led to innovations. Oxygen masks and electronic anti-skid brakes were introduced in the nineteen-sixties, along with bird cannons at airports, to shoo off Canada geese and fellow-fliers. Overhead bins got latched doors that same decade, to keep luggage from toppling onto passengers’ heads. Satellite communication came along in the seventies; automated flight-management systems, capable of plotting a plane’s course, speed, and altitude, in the eighties. Radar systems got more accurate; planes grew stronger, sleeker, and more flexible. Pilots got better at skirting turbulence—or, if they couldn’t, at slowing down and “riding the bumps.”
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Friedmann had realized, as he would tell me, that “even unlikely battles can be won.” He kept up the crusade against C.C.A. that he’d begun in the Clifton prison. The company had grown into one of the largest private-prison firms in the country, with millions of dollars to spend on lawyers. Friedmann was undaunted. He wrote article after article about the company’s abuses. In 2008, he successfully sued C.C.A. in a landmark case that made private-prison companies subject to Tennessee’s Public Records Act. When President George W. Bush tapped C.C.A.’s general counsel for a federal judgeship, Friedmann built an organization to oppose the choice. After a year of his lobbying, the Senate rejected the nominee.
，这一点在PDF资料中也有详细论述
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